‘It was cruel’

— Dying patient denied assisted dying in Catholic-run hospital

Jane Morris says her friend, who had motor neurone disease, ‘had a terrible experience and she had to seek help outside of the hospital system’ in order to die via voluntary assisted dying.

Sally wanted to die on her own terms. But despite voluntary assisted dying being legal in Victoria, her advocates say a Catholic palliative care facility obstructed access

By and

When 60-year-old Sally* told her neurologist that she wanted to choose when to die, she was dismissed. Diagnosed with motor neurone disease, Sally knew her condition was incurable and that her rapid decline could include respiratory failure, difficulty swallowing and cognitive decline.

She wanted to die on her own terms, before her symptoms became unbearable. But Sally was receiving treatment at a Catholic palliative care hospital.

Sally lived in Victoria, where legislation allows those with neurodegenerative conditions such as motor neurone disease access to voluntary assisted dying. But her advocates say none of the doctors who diagnosed and treated her would provide the necessary paperwork for her to access euthanasia, nor would they refer her to someone who would.

Sally’s calls and emails to the hospital, an institution that objected to euthanasia, elicited promises of a response at a later date that never came.

“She had a terrible experience and she had to seek help outside of the hospital system,” says Jane Morris, the vice-president of Dying with Dignity Victoria. “She was one of the most lovely people I’ve ever met and it was cruel she was ignored or met with empty platitudes.”

By the time Morris met Sally, she couldn’t write and was communicating with a sight board. “She kept asking me to write down her story and tell it one day for her,” Morris says. “She told me that she wants voluntary assisted dying to be discussed openly, to be destigmatised and not subject to the religious doctrine of faith-based health facilities.”

Doctors and legal experts who spoke to Guardian Australia have called for voluntary assisted dying laws, which differ between the states and territories, to be nationalised and made more humane so that institutional objection does not lead to delays in care, or to patients dying in places they do not feel comfortable.

Depending on where someone lives, the catchment area they fall into may mean that the only local palliative care service is run by a Catholic organisation, which all have different policies about how they treat euthanasia. Under Catholic Health Australia’s code of ethics, any action or omission that “causes death with the purpose of eliminating all suffering” is not permissible.

Sally’s condition declines

The months of delays by the hospital would prove devastating for Sally. Her pain increased as her condition progressed, making it difficult to eat, speak and swallow. It meant taking the euthanasia medication orally was no longer an option, even if she was approved.

Desperate, Sally went outside the hospital system to a GP and asked for help. She was referred to the Victorian Voluntary Assisted Dying Statewide Care Navigator service, who helped her find a specialist and get the paperwork she needed, and she was put in contact with a voluntary assisted dying doctor trained to deliver euthanasia intravenously.

The doctor was not comfortable administering the medication outside a hospital and by the time she was approved, Sally was no longer well enough to travel to a health facility.

Plus, she wanted to die in her home.

When specialist doctor and voluntary assisted dying provider Eleanor* heard about Sally’s plight, she offered to help without hesitation. Eleanor assisted in getting approvals, travelled to Sally’s home and administered euthanasia drugs to her intravenously.

“I was sad and angry that she was delayed from accessing a service she had a right to,” Eleanor tells Guardian Australia.

“No one would write the letter that gave her access to voluntary assisted dying. She deteriorated very quickly and she lost the window in which she was well enough to comfortably go through the process in terms of going to doctor’s visits to get the approvals. So she needed to find doctors willing to come to her home. Unfortunately, cases like this are not rare.”

Sally’s situation was further complicated by federal legislation that prevents anyone seeking information or advice about voluntary assisted dying from a health professional over an electronic carriage service, ruling out telehealth consults for assistance. It is one of the reasons experts say uniform national legislation is needed.

Eleanor believes public funding for hospitals and aged care homes should come with a responsibility to provide a full suite of health services, including voluntary assisted dying.

“The alternative is sometimes to watch someone slowly suffocate to death, or die of a bowel obstruction, or starve to death because they can’t access a more humane way of dying,” she says. “We need national legislation to make the process more humane by taking the best of the legislation in each state and adopting it everywhere.”

It can also be difficult to find a doctor to administer or approve euthanasia drugs, with a shortage of trained voluntary assisted dying doctors, which Eleanor says is partly due to stigma and confusing legislation.

“Most doctors agree with voluntary assisted dying, but feel it is too hard to become a practitioner themselves.”

‘A huge power imbalance’

Victoria was the first state to pass voluntary assisted dying laws in 2017 and since then the other states have followed. In December 2022, commonwealth laws that stopped Australian territories from making new laws on voluntary assisted dying were repealed.

Three states – Queensland, South Australia and New South Wales – include institutional objection provisions in their legislation. Ben White, a professor of end-of-life law at Queensland University of Technology, says it means in those states, people are able to access voluntary assisted dying if they are a resident of an aged care or palliative care facility, even if the facility objects, because it is considered the patient’s home.

While conscientious objection by individual health professionals is protected by the Victorian legislation, objections by institutions are governed by their own policies, which White says aren’t always transparent. The Victorian health department has guidelines for how institutions can manage objections, but this is not binding. Health professionals are also barred in Victoria from raising voluntary assisted dying with their patients – the patient must bring it up first.

“I think we should be able to explain to people all the options they have,” says a health professional who has worked in end-of-life care for decades and did not want to be named. “I just believe in people being able to make informed choices – we’re talking about competent … people who already have a terminal illness.”

White agrees: “I think the key issue here is there’s a huge power imbalance.

“You’ve got people who by definition are terminally ill, expected to die shortly, trying to navigate and access voluntary assisted dying in a situation where the institution holds all the cards.”

In a study published in March, White and his colleagues interviewed 32 family caregivers and one patient about their experience of seeking voluntary assisted dying, including experiences with institutional objection. The objections described generally occurred in Catholic facilities or palliative care settings, which meant some or all of the euthanasia process could not happen on site.

Most commonly, patients were not allowed to meet with a doctor to be assessed; were prevented from accepting delivery of the euthanasia medication from a pharmacy; or were barred from taking the medication or having it administered to them.

White says it can leave families scrambling to transfer their loved ones elsewhere to die, including patients with conditions that made transportation painful.

One of the study participants said: “It will always be a great sadness for me that the last few precious hours on Mum’s last day were mostly filled with stress and distress, having to scurry around moving her out of her so-called ‘home’.”

There is a strong argument to limit the power of institutions to object to voluntary assisted dying when it harms patients, White says.

What Catholic hospitals could do

Oncologist Dr Cam McLaren says a component of cancer medicine is “fighting a losing battle and sometimes all you can do is choose the terms in which you die”.

It is why he became a voluntary assisted dying provider soon after Victorian legislation was introduced. “I was, and still am, in high demand and I have been involved in the assessment of about 300 voluntary assisted dying cases,” he says.

McLaren works for a Catholic hospital and says the values of religious organisations have “allowed them to do some incredible work in palliative care out of a desire to help people”.

He has helped facilitate the transport of patients off site to administer their euthanasia medication. He says different institutions have different levels of comfort with assisted dying and support certain “tiers” of access only; some allow doctors to consult with patients about the topic, but aren’t comfortable with the death occurring on site, for example.

“I completely support the ability of religious hospitals to refuse to be involved in practitioner administration of the drugs on site – that’s completely against their codes and morals,” he says.

“But a lot of the other steps in the process don’t involve any action. It’s just a conversation with a patient or information. And a discussion should not have the capacity to violate religious boundaries.

“I think a good model is for the hospital to allow the assessment and the delivery of the medication to the patient and then give patients time to plan to go home to have the medication administered there.”

But McLaren says this isn’t enough to protect patients in an aged care facility, where the facility is already home.

“And we have seen barriers in aged care homes overtly or covertly with non-assistance and noncompliance, so we have patients asking for months or weeks to access voluntary assisted dying and by the time they’re referred to me, it’s too late because the process takes time, which they don’t have.”

In NSW, voluntary assisted dying legislation will come into effect on 28 November, but there are still unanswered questions about barriers to access for patients being treated in religious public organisations.

People wishing to end their life in the state must be assessed by two doctors as likely having less than six months to live. A document seen by Guardian Australia detailing the response of Catholic health services Calvary Health Care, St John of God and St Vincent’s Health Australia to voluntary assisted dying suggests that these organisations will not allow assessments to be undertaken on site, with patients having to be transported elsewhere for the assessment or referred on to another hospital for care.

If a person has been approved for euthanasia to be administered by a medical practitioner, the document also outlines that the patient will need to go to another health provider or be discharged home. Doctors are concerned that these transfers may unnecessarily increase pain and suffering for patients at the end of their lives.

The document says “we do not abandon our patients” – if a person is considering or actively pursuing euthanasia, “our hospitals do not change our commitments to their provision of care”.

A spokesperson for Catholic Health Australia said on behalf of all three hospitals: “Our hospitals don’t provide [voluntary assisted dying (VAD)].”

“However, we recognise that some patients may wish to explore the option of VAD while under our members’ care. In that event, our services will never block or impede a person’s access to VAD if that’s their choice. Our services will always respect patient choice.

“When it comes to end-of-life, our members choose to specialise in palliative care. Other hospital providers choose to maintain an expertise in VAD. Transferring patients to a specialist provider when a service is not available is standard practice in the public health system.”

Dr Eliana Close, a senior research fellow at the Australian Centre for Health Law Research, has analysed institutional objection to euthanasia and says it is difficult to get data on how prevalent it is.

“We need to now see research and monitoring around how legislation in different states is unfolding and working in practice and whether rights are being respected,” Close says.

“We have certainly found we need stronger national laws to address that power imbalance between institutions and individual rights.”

Close says she finds it “completely abhorrent that publicly funded institutions should be allowed to deny access to legally available healthcare”.

“Not only is that causing harm to the patients in terms of pain and suffering, it’s causing harm to their families who have to witness it – and that has lasting impacts on their bereavement.”

* Names have been changed

Complete Article HERE!

Many Americans report interacting with dead relatives in dreams or other ways

By Patricia Tevington and Manolo Corichi

Many Americans report that their relationships with loved ones continue past death in some way, according to a recent Pew Research Center survey.

A bar chart showing that many Americans report being visited by or communicating with a dead relative.

Around half of U.S. adults (53%) say they’ve ever been visited by a dead family member in a dream or some other form. And substantial shares say they’ve had interactions with dead relatives in the past 12 months:

  • 34% have “felt the presence” of a dead relative
  • 28% have told a dead relative about their life
  • 15% have had a dead family member communicate with them

In total, 44% of Americans report having at least one of these three experiences in the past year.

Women are more likely than men to say they have had these kinds of interactions with dead family members. And people who are moderately religious are more likely than others – including those who are highly religious and those who are not religious – to have experienced these things.

The survey was conducted March 27-April 2, 2023, among 5,079 adults on the Center’s American Trends Panel. It included Americans of all religious backgrounds, including Jews, Muslims, Buddhists and Hindus. But there are not enough respondents from these smaller groups to report on their answers separately.

While the survey asked whether people have had interactions with dead relatives, it did not ask for explanations. We don’t know whether people view these experiences as mysterious or supernatural, or whether they see them as having natural or scientific causes, or some of both.

For example, the survey did not ask what respondents meant when they said they had been visited in a dream by a dead relative. Some might have meant that relatives were trying to send them messages or information from beyond the grave. Others might have had something more commonplace in mind, such as having dreamt about a favorite memory of a family member.

Experiences with being visited by a dead relative

A bar chart that shows 6 in 10 members of the historically Black Protestant tradition say they've been visited by a dead relative in a dream.

Overall, 46% of Americans report that they’ve been visited by a dead family member in a dream, while 31% report having been visited by dead relatives in some other form.

Roughly two-thirds of Catholics (66%) and members of the historically Black Protestant tradition (67%) have ever experienced a visit from a deceased family member in some form. Evangelical Protestants are far less likely to say the same (42%).

Roughly half (48%) of Americans who are religiously unaffiliated – atheists, agnostics, and those who report their religion is “nothing in particular” – say they have ever been visited by a dead relative in a dream or other form. However, those who describe their religion as nothing in particular are much more likely to say they have ever been visited by a deceased loved one (58%) than are agnostics (34%) and atheists (26%).

Recent contact with deceased relatives

A bar chart showing that 34% of U.S. adults say they have felt the presence of a dead family member in the last year.

When asked about recent experiences – things that have happened in the last 12 months – 34% of Americans say they have felt the presence of a dead family member and 28% say they have told dead family members about events in their life. Fewer respondents (15%) say a deceased family member has communicated with them in the past year.

Women are more likely than men to say they had at least one of these three experiences in the last year (53% vs. 35%). For example, women are more likely than men to say they recently have felt the presence of a dead family member (41% vs. 27%).

When it comes to religion, about half or more of Catholics (58%), members of the historically Black Protestant tradition (56%) and mainline Protestants (52%) say they have had at least one of these three experiences in the last year – significantly more than the 35% of evangelical Protestants who say the same.

Relatively few atheist (15%) or agnostic (25%) adults report any of these experiences over the last 12 months. In contrast, roughly half (48%) of those who say their religion is nothing in particular reported one of these experiences.

These experiences also differ by Americans’ religious commitment, as measured by a scale that includes indicators of religious service attendance, prayer frequency and self-assessments of religion’s importance in one’s life.

Americans with medium levels of religious commitment are more likely than those with either higher or lower levels of religious commitment to say they’ve felt the presence of a family member who is dead, told a dead family member about events in their life, and felt a dead relative communicate with them in the past year.

Summing up this pattern in another way: People who are moderately religious seem to be more likely than other Americans to have these experiences. This is partly because some of the most traditionally religious groups – such as evangelical Protestants – as well as some of the least religious parts of the population – such as atheists and agnostics – are less likely to report having interactions with deceased family members.

Complete Article HERE!

A friend at the end

— Volunteers ensure dying patients don’t face death alone

In 2005, Trinity Health started No One Dies Alone, a program where volunteers visit patients who are nearing death, standing by their bedside as they approach death. Volunteers accompany patients by holding their hands, read to them, play music or talk about life, and death, with the patients. The program was on hiatus during the COVID pandemic, but rebooted this past September.

Trinity Health’s palliative care program ‘No One Dies Alone’ sends volunteers to be with patients in final hours, give families respite

By Daniel Meloy

Dying is a personal — and often difficult — thing to discuss.

From choosing hospice care and drafting wills to an entire continuum of end-of-life care, there are many views about what’s best.

But there’s one thing most people can agree on: no one wants to die alone.

And thanks to a group of volunteers through Trinity Health, no one has to.

In 2005, a team of people at the Catholic health care system started No One Dies Alone, a palliative care program that assigns volunteers to be present with patients who are nearing death, standing by their bedside when family and friends can’t be present.

“No One Dies Alone is a comfort companion program for those patients who don’t have family or whose family can’t be present at the bedside 24/7,” said Barbara Stephen, bereavement specialist in the volunteer department at Trinity Health Oakland and Trinity Health Livonia. “Whether family and friends are out of state, or can’t get in right away, or are in need of respite care, we provide volunteers who can be there if needed. We’re a friend who looks for any kind of distress and keeps them company.”

Lisa Marie Blanek, a No One Dies Alone volunteer, reads a book bedside of a patient. The No One Dies Alone program has volunteer read to terminally-ill patients, play music or just hold hands with people as they near death. The program ensures no patient at Trinity Health’s Livonia and Pontiac hospitals dies without anyone else in the room.
Lisa Marie Blanek, a No One Dies Alone volunteer, reads a book bedside of a patient. The No One Dies Alone program has volunteer read to terminally-ill patients, play music or just hold hands with people as they near death. The program ensures no patient at Trinity Health’s Livonia and Pontiac hospitals dies without anyone else in the room.

The program started after Trinity Health’s Palliative Care Program did a study on end-of-life care around the country, noting 50% of patients die in a hospital, and of those, about 10-12% die alone, without family and friends at their side.

Through No One Dies Alone, volunteers keep patients company in their final days, doing everything from reading to patients, holding their hand, or calling a nurse if a patient is in discomfort.

“We are there to be at the bedside,” Stephen told Detroit Catholic. “We do a lot of hand-holding. We don’t do nursing care, but what we do is a lot of talking, prayers if they want, and just being that second set of eyes. If we see some distressing signs, like pain or a need for medical care, we call the nurse. We get a wet washcloth if they are running a fever, or Chapstick when their lips are chapped. We’re there to be that friend by the bedside, keeping an eye on them, letting them know they are not alone.”

No One Dies Alone took a hiatus during the COVID-19 pandemic, when volunteers weren’t permitted in hospitals.

The program rebooted last September, operating out of Trinity Health’s Oakland (Pontiac) and Livonia locations, with 38 volunteers at Oakland and 29 in Livonia.

No One Dies Alone volunteers typically operate on three-hour shifts and receive a brief report about the patient, including a person’s family situation, interests and condition. Volunteers often build a rapport with the patient’s family, stepping in to allow family members to get a bite to eat or a change of clothes at home.

Susan Abentrod practices tucking a patient in at the Trinity Health Oakland Hospital in Pontiac. No One Dies Alone volunteers are there to fill in the gaps for family and friends who can’t be with patients nearing death 24/7 and for doctors and nurses who are managing multiple patients at a time.
Susan Abentrod practices tucking a patient in at the Trinity Health Oakland Hospital in Pontiac. No One Dies Alone volunteers are there to fill in the gaps for family and friends who can’t be with patients nearing death 24/7 and for doctors and nurses who are managing multiple patients at a time.

“The volunteer who is coming in to (watch over) the person who is dying often is not able to talk to the patient, but they do talk with family, who are grateful they are there,” said Kelly Herron, visit coordinator for No One Dies Alone. “They appreciate that someone is stepping into the space for their family, knowing their loved one is being watched over.”

Volunteers are not meant to act as medical personnel or hospice workers. Their work is more a ministry of presence, Herron said.

“As a volunteer, our role is limited because we are there to hold a space,” Herron said. “It’s about showing up and being a companion, being willing to talk about the things they want to talk about. It’s about being a friend and putting them first, not being afraid to listen to them talk about what they are feeling as they near the end.”

Sometimes, volunteers can even fulfill special requests, such as having terminal patients see their pets one last time.

“A lot of patients have pets at home, and when we ask them if they have a wish, often they regret they’ll never see their dog or cat again, so we bring the pets in — as long as they are updated on their shots — so they can be with their owner,” Stephen said.

Sometimes, volunteers are a shoulder for family members struggling with the loss of their loved ones, Stephen added.

“We had a young mom who was dying, and she had a 7-year-old daughter, and the dad didn’t know how to tell the daughter,” Stephen said. “(The mother and daughter) shared a birthday, and we knew the mom wasn’t going to make it to the next birthday. We asked what they usually do for their birthday, and the dad said they always have a tea party. So we got the mom out of her hospital gown, had some nice pajamas for her, and got the daughter dressed up. My husband went to Costco to get balloons, and we had a tea party. We took pictures, not only for the daughter to remember, but for the mom to hang onto that memory. It’s not easy losing your mother at 7, but it was a lovely time.”

Barbara Stephen, bereavement specialist in the volunteer department at Trinity Health Oakland and Trinity Health Livonia, leads the No One Dies Alone program. She leads a team of volunteers who read to patients nearing death, get them an extra blanket if they need on, play their favorite music on the stereo and are just their for patients who are nearing death. The program is one of presence and accompaniment, Stephen said, just being there for those nearing the end of life.
Barbara Stephen, bereavement specialist in the volunteer department at Trinity Health Oakland and Trinity Health Livonia, leads the No One Dies Alone program. She leads a team of volunteers who read to patients nearing death, get them an extra blanket if they need on, play their favorite music on the stereo and are just their for patients who are nearing death. The program is one of presence and accompaniment, Stephen said, just being there for those nearing the end of life.

Most visits are more low-key, but the idea is the same: being with people in their hour of need.

Herron recalls her own experience of being with her own mother when she died, adding it was a comfort to both of them to know she wasn’t alone. It was Herron’s time as a No One Dies Alone volunteer that prepared her for her mother’s death, she said.

“When my mom died, I was sitting there with her,” Herron said. “Everyone thought she probably would die soon. It was the middle of the night, everyone went to sleep, and I remember holding my mom’s hand, saying, ‘I’m going to go to sleep. You go to sleep too, and I’ll talk to you in the morning. But I’m right here.’ I was just pulling my hand back to demonstrate that I was falling asleep, but I didn’t close my eyes. I just looked at her, and she opened her eyes and look at me before she died.

“To me, that’s why we do this,” Herron added. “If at any point, someone is going to open their eyes or squeeze their hand, it’s so comforting that someone is there — that they are not forgotten, that they are not alone, and that it matters to someone as you are making that transition.”

Barbara Stephen, bereavement specialist in the volunteer department at Trinity Health Oakland and Trinity Health Livonia, poses for a photo with No One Dies Alone volunteers, Chuck Pokriefka, Lisa Marie Blanek, Susan Abentrod and Joe Fugitt.
Barbara Stephen, bereavement specialist in the volunteer department at Trinity Health Oakland and Trinity Health Livonia, poses for a photo with No One Dies Alone volunteers, Chuck Pokriefka, Lisa Marie Blanek, Susan Abentrod and Joe Fugitt.

While No One Dies Alone is a comfort to the dying and their families, it’s also an added benefit to hospital medical care staff, who appreciate having an extra set of eyes and ears in the room.

“Our nurses are so compassionate, and they just want to be there. They don’t want anybody to be alone when it is the end of someone’s life, but they have a patient load,” Stephen said. “So when they see us, they are so excited. When our volunteers come in, the nurses ask if they can get us a cup of coffee, or if we need anything. They take really good care of us, because they appreciate there is always someone there with their patients.”

Complete Article HERE!

From Christianity to Buddhism

— A Comprehensive Guide to Religious Funerals

By EMMANUAL

Funerals hold significant cultural and religious importance worldwide. These rituals mark the end of a person’s life and provide an opportunity for communities to mourn, remember, and celebrate the departed soul. Regardless of different religious beliefs, funerals share a common thread of honoring the deceased and offering solace to the grieving. Let’s explore the diverse types of funeral practices observed in different religions around the globe, each reflecting the unique perspectives on life, death, and the afterlife.

1. Funeral Practices in Christianity:

Christianity, one of the world’s largest religions, views death as a transition to an eternal life with God. Christian funerals typically involve a somber yet hopeful tone, focusing on the belief in resurrection and salvation. Funeral services often include prayers, hymns, scripture readings, eulogies, and the sharing of memories. Burial is a common practice, with cemeteries serving as sacred grounds for the departed.

2. Funeral Customs in Islam:

In Islam, death is considered a natural part of life, and the afterlife is a fundamental belief. The Janazah (funeral) rituals are guided by Islamic principles and usually take place soon after death. The body is washed, shrouded in a simple cloth, and a specific prayer, Salat al-Janazah, is performed in congregation. Muslims bury their deceased facing Mecca, emphasizing humility and equality in death.

3. Jewish Funeral Traditions:

Judaism, with its rich traditions and customs, approaches death as a continuation of the soul’s journey. Jewish funerals prioritize the prompt burial of the deceased, often within 24 hours of death. The deceased is ritually washed (Tahara) and dressed in a plain white shroud (Tachrichim). Eulogies are avoided, and the focus is on prayers, Psalms, and the sharing of memories during the funeral service.

4. Hindu Funeral Ceremonies:

Hinduism, a complex and diverse religion, regards death as part of the soul’s cycle of rebirth (Samsara). Antyesti, or the Last Rites, is a crucial funeral ceremony in Hindu traditions. The body is cremated, and the ashes are often scattered in a sacred river. Hindu funerals may also include other rituals such as Pinda Daan, offering rice balls to the deceased for spiritual liberation.

5. Buddhist Funeral Observances:

Buddhism, known for its teachings on impermanence, interprets death as a transition to another life or state. Buddhist funerals vary among different cultures but commonly include chanting, reciting sutras, and performing rituals to guide the soul towards a positive rebirth. Cremation is a widespread practice, and some Buddhist communities also practice sky burials or water burials.

6. Sikh Funeral Rites:

Sikhism emphasizes the unity of the soul with the eternal creator, and death is seen as a merging of the soul with the divine. The Antam Sanskar, or Last Rites, involves bathing the body, followed by prayers and hymns from the Guru Granth Sahib (Sikh scriptures). Sikhs opt for cremation, considering it a way to liberate the soul from the cycle of birth and death.

7. Traditional Chinese Funeral Customs:

Chinese funeral traditions are deeply rooted in ancestral worship and veneration. Chinese families pay great respect to their ancestors and believe in maintaining strong familial connections even after death. Funeral rites include elaborate ceremonies, offerings, and prayers. Burial, cremation, and entombment in family graves are practiced based on regional and cultural differences.

8. Native American Funeral Traditions:

Native American communities have diverse spiritual beliefs, each with its unique funeral customs. The concept of death often involves a cyclical view of life and rebirth. Funeral practices include rituals, dances, and ceremonies that honor the deceased and guide their spirits to the afterlife. Burial methods vary, such as ground burials, tree burials, or sky burials.

9. African Traditional Funeral Ceremonies:

African traditional funeral customs are deeply connected to ancestor veneration and the spiritual world. These rituals differ widely across the continent’s diverse cultures. Funerals are elaborate events, often lasting several days, and include dancing, singing, and feasting. Burials may take place in family graveyards or sacred sites.

10. Ancient Egyptian Funeral Rituals:

The ancient Egyptians believed in an afterlife and devoted considerable effort to ensure a smooth transition for the deceased. Mummification was a significant part of the funeral process, preserving the body for the journey to the afterlife. Elaborate ceremonies and rituals were conducted to honor the deceased and seek protection in the afterlife.

11. Modern Secular Funeral Practices:

In modern times, secular or non-religious funerals have gained popularity. These services often focus on celebrating the life of the deceased rather than emphasizing religious beliefs. They may include personalized elements, music, and readings that reflect the individual’s interests and values.

12. Comparative Analysis of Funeral Practices:

When examining funeral practices across various religions, common themes of reverence for the deceased and comforting the bereaved emerge. Despite differences in rituals, these practices share the purpose of providing closure and honoring the departed soul.

13. Perceptions and Attitudes Towards Death:

Cultural and religious beliefs significantly influence how societies perceive and approach death. Understanding these differences fosters tolerance and compassion in times of grief. Coping with loss is a deeply human experience, transcending cultural boundaries.Funerals, regardless of religious affiliations, are a testament to humanity’s shared experience of life and death. Each type of funeral bears witness to a community’s beliefs, values, and traditions, offering solace to the bereaved and celebrating the life of the departed. Embracing the diversity of funeral practices enriches our understanding of the human journey.

Complete Article HERE!

It’s time to legalise assisted dying, in the name of compassion

— In my work as a congregational rabbi I see people die in pain, needlessly

‘Dignity in Dying’ supporters gather to call for a change in the law to support assisted dying outside the Houses of Parliament in central London on October 22, 2021

By Rabbi Dr Jonathan Romain

As someone who passionately values the gift of life that we each have, why have I now become head of the campaign in Britain to legalise assisted dying, whereby a person obtains a prescription for life-ending medicine that they themselves take?

It is precisely because of my work as a congregational rabbi and many years of visiting hospitals and hospices, where I see people die in pain, despite the best efforts of medical staff.

They often beg doctors and relatives “Can’t you help me die in peace?”, but at present that is not legal. I see no merit in individuals being forced to live out their last days in misery if they want to avoid it.

In Ecclesiastes we are told that ‘There is a time to be born and a time to die’ (3.2). It is noticeable that it does not stipulate who chooses that moment.

Suicide is rightly discouraged in Judaism, but that assumes the person may otherwise live on for many years if not decades. Assisted dying is for those dying who wish to die well.

If we control all aspects of our life – where we live, what job we have, who we marry – why should we not determine when we leave it if we are facing a terminal illness?

 A key factor for those wishing to die is the desire to avoid pain, but for others, it is the lack of control over their bodily functions or the unwelcome image of being sedated into a state of narcotic stupor.

Some might object that assisted dying means ‘playing God’ – but this ignores the fact that we frequently ‘play God’ – doing so every time we give a blood transfusion or provide a road accident victim with artificial limbs. Should we stop doing that?  No more hip replacements or heart transplants?

We can believe in the sanctity of life – how precious it is – but that does not mean believing in the sanctity of suffering, or disregarding steps to avoid it. There is nothing holy about agony.

If terminally-ill patients do not wish to live out their last few weeks in pain, for what purpose should they be forced to do so, and in whose interest is it that life is prolonged?

There are strict safeguards being proposed to prevent any abuse. They include the stipulation that the person is terminally ill, is mentally competent and makes the request of their own free will.

In addition, there is a rigorous process for ensuring the above: it can only be initiated if requested by the person him/herself, and they must be assessed by two independent doctors to ensure that they are terminally ill and of sound mind.

On top of this, the person must have been fully informed of palliative care, hospices and other options, while they can change their mind at any time, right up to the last minute.

Meanwhile, the British Medical Association and almost all other Medical Royal Colleges have dropped their previous opposition to assisted dying. That is very significant.

Another persuasive factor is that we are in the fortunate position of knowing in advance what will be the likely effects of permitting assisted dying. This is thanks to the experiences in Oregon, which has the closest system to the legislation being proposed here.

Since it was introduced in 1997, several thousand dying patients per year enquire about assistance to die, but only around 0.4% of the overall deaths in a year opt for it. That is twenty-five years of hard evidence.

It indicates that many people wish to ‘know it’s there’ and have the emotional safety net of knowing they can resort to it if their situation makes life intolerable, but never find they reach that stage.

While many in the religious hierarchy still hold to the traditional opposition to assisted dying, there are a growing number of rabbis who now favour it.

At the same time, attitudes are changing within the general population too. A recent Populus poll revealed that 79% of those from religious backgrounds – defined as people who take their faith seriously enough to attend services at least once a month – said they supported the law being changed. Amongst Jews it was 83%.

If there is a right to die as well as possible, it means having the option of assisted dying, whether or not it is taken up.

It is also a matter of compassion – the compassion not to force other people who are suffering to keep on suffering if they reckon it is time to let go.

We need to tackle it for their sake. But who knows if we ourselves might one day need it?

Complete Article HERE!

A Closer Look at the Ceremonies and Traditions of Buddhist Funeral Service

By

When delving into the realm of funeral services, it becomes evident that the factors of perplexity and burstiness play a significant role in shaping the narrative and experience. Within the context of Buddhism, a unique approach emerges, characterized by a harmonious blend of complexity and variation. In this article, we embark on a journey through the intricacies of Buddhist funeral services, unraveling the distinct elements that make them truly exceptional.

Introduction to the Unique World of Buddhist Funeral Services

A Buddhist funeral service stands as a remarkable testament to honoring and commemorating the life of a departed loved one. Rooted in the profound principles of Buddhism, it weaves together solace and closure for those who embrace this philosophical path. The essence lies not only in bidding farewell but also in facilitating the departed’s transition to a new existence, while extending support and solace to family and friends. Brace yourself as we embark on an enlightening exploration of what unfolds during a Buddhist funeral services, replete with intriguing aspects that set it apart from other funerary rites.

Unraveling the Tapestry of a Buddhist Funeral Service

Buddhism, with its profound history spanning centuries, encompasses both life and death within its embrace. Consequently, it is no surprise that Buddhist funeral services occupy a pivotal role in the process of mourning, honoring the deceased, and offering solace to those in attendance.

The commencement of a Buddhist funeral ceremony often finds its roots in the enchanting chants emanating from sacred Buddhist scriptures. These mellifluous melodies intertwine with prayers, creating an ethereal ambiance of remembrance. Moreover, the ceremony may include the recitation of sutras, skillfully rendered by learned monks or devoted family members. The atmosphere is further enriched by the fragrant offerings of incense and flowers, as well as heartfelt eulogies delivered by kin or close confidants. Remarkably, depending on tradition, one may even encounter moments of serene meditation or other spiritual practices that infuse the service with an aura of profound contemplation.

Central to the fabric of a Buddhist funeral service is the paramount objective of assisting those present in embracing the concept of mortality and finding inner peace within its embrace. In the realm of Buddhism, death is not feared but rather acknowledged as an integral part of life’s cyclical nature. Thus, these solemn moments serve as an opportunity for friends and family to reflect on the impact of loss and to share treasured memories of the departed.

As the ceremony unfolds, the offering of food takes center stage, symbolizing the departed spirit’s passage into an alternate realm. These gestures of culinary homage vary in accordance with local customs, each carrying its own significance and depth of meaning.

Discovering the Meaningful Essence of a Buddhist Funeral Service

In the tapestry of existence, a Buddhist funeral service emerges as a poignant and meaningful tribute to those who have embarked on their final journey. Rooted in compassion and embracing the transient nature of life, this sacred rite serves as a conduit for honoring the spiritual odyssey of the departed while providing solace for those left behind.

At the heart of any Buddhist funeral service lies the mesmerizing art of chanting. Through the recitation of prayers and mantras, a profound reverence for the departed is awakened. Whether performed by family members or revered monks, these sacred utterances transport the mind into a realm where the fragility and vitality of life intertwine.

Equally significant is the act of honoring the deceased through symbolic offerings. Flowers, incense sticks, and favored fruits or food items find their place before an image or statue representing the three jewels of Buddhism: Buddha Shakyamuni, his teachings (Dharma), and the monastic community (Sangha).

Complete Article HERE!

Sin-Eating

— The Ritual Of Taking On The Sins Of The Dead

Ritual of eating the sins of the dead

by Andrei Tapalaga

Throughout history, various cultures have developed unique rituals and practices surrounding death and mourning. One such intriguing tradition is sin eating, a ritual in which a designated person consumes food or performs a ceremony to symbolically take on the sins of the deceased. In this article, we delve into the history, cultural significance, and psychological implications of sin-eating.

Origins and Historical Context of Sin Eating

The origins of sin-eating can be traced back to ancient civilizations. In many cultures, death was seen as a transformative process, and the belief in the transference of sins to another person or object emerged as a way to cleanse the departed soul. Sin-eating rituals were prevalent in societies where the concept of sin and the afterlife held significant religious and spiritual meaning.

Sin-eating rituals varied across different regions and cultures. In some instances, a designated sin eater, often a marginalized member of society, would be called upon to perform the ritual. In other cases, family members or close friends would partake in the symbolic act of consuming food or engaging in ceremonial practices to absolve the deceased of their sins. These rituals served as a form of catharsis and a means to ensure the spiritual well-being of the departed.

Symbolism and Beliefs Associated with Sin Eating

At the heart of sin-eating is the belief that the sins of the deceased can be transferred to another individual. The act of consuming food or engaging in ritualistic practices symbolizes the assumption of guilt and responsibility for the sins committed during the lifetime of the departed. Sin eaters were often seen as sacrificial figures, taking on the burden of the deceased’s transgressions to facilitate their journey into the afterlife.

Sin-eating rituals also had a communal aspect. By absorbing the sins of the deceased, sin eaters played a vital role in purifying the community and maintaining social order. The ritual was believed to restore harmony and balance, ensuring that the sins of the departed did not linger and cause harm to the living. The presence of a sin eater provided solace to grieving families and served as a means of closure and reconciliation.

Psychological and Societal Implications of Sin Eating

Sin-eating rituals offered a way for individuals and communities to cope with the emotional and psychological impact of death. Engaging in symbolic acts of absorbing sins provided a sense of closure and relief, allowing mourners to navigate the complex emotions associated with loss and guilt. By externalizing and transferring the sins to another person or object, individuals could process their grief and find solace in the belief that their loved ones had been spiritually redeemed.

Sin eaters often occupied marginalized positions within society. Their role as sin absorbers ostracized them from mainstream communities, yet they were simultaneously valued for their spiritual service. This duality highlights the complex dynamics between societal norms, beliefs, and the need for spiritual guidance during times of death and mourning. The presence of sin eaters reflects the intricate relationship between outcasts and the communities that rely on their unique services.

Contemporary Perspectives and Legacy of Sin Eating

With the passage of time, sin-eating rituals have declined and become increasingly rare. As societies modernized and religious beliefs shifted, the practice lost its prevalence. However, sin-eating continues to be studied and analyzed for its cultural, psychological, and anthropological significance. Contemporary scholars and researchers delve into its historical context and attempt to understand its enduring legacy on funeral customs and the human experience of death.

The legacy of sin-eating lies in its ability to shed light on the intricate relationship between death, guilt, and spiritual redemption. As a historical and cultural artifact, sin-eating serves as a testament to human attempts to grapple with the complexities of mortality and the quest for spiritual purity. The rituals associated with sin-eating offer valuable insights into the diverse ways in which different societies have confronted the existential questions surrounding life and death.

Sin eating stands as a captivating and thought-provoking practice that invites us to explore the multifaceted aspects of human culture, belief systems, and our eternal quest for understanding the mysteries of life and death. While its prevalence has waned over time, the rituals and symbolism associated with sin-eating continue to captivate our imagination, reminding us of the profound significance of rituals and customs in shaping our perception of the world and the afterlife.

Complete Article HERE!