Death’s midwife helps terminally ill Canadians end their lives

By Robert Cribb

Reaching beneath a desk in her home office, Ruth von Fuchs pulls out a white plastic box containing a collection of tubes, valves and microwave turkey roasting bags.

This is her death kit.

With the blasé patter of an airline attendant explaining the protocols of oxygen mask use, the 71-year-old retired librarian removes a microwave bag and pulls it over her head, her face shrouded beneath clear plastic, her features blurring, her graying bun compressed into a soft helmet.

Slowly, her fingers begin to pinch a seal around her neck using Velcro strips she attached at the open end of the bag.

Her voice muffled and faint, she points to the spot where a tube is to be inserted.

“I would probably use helium,” she declares, deadpan. “A few deep breaths and you fade off.”

Von Fuchs is death’s midwife.

On four occasions, she has held the hands of terminally ill Canadians as they lived out their final wish: to pre-emptively end their lives with someone, anyone, there to provide humanity as they breathe their last breaths.

“No one wants to die alone,” says von Fuchs. “Most people just want someone there to hold their hand.”

She sits with people suffering with incurable diseases or perhaps their family members who wish to be with them if they take their own lives. She will pull out the visual aids, reveal her collection of items and explain how each works.

Down the road, when she decides the time is right, she will pull the kit out from under her desk one last time for her own do-it-yourself death, she says.

Whether von Fuchs is breaching Canadian criminal law prohibiting “assisted suicide” is a question mired in the complexities of legislative language and the mysteries of human desire.

Here’s what is clear: an underground movement of death facilitators has emerged to help Canadians execute their final wish despite threats of arrest and imprisonment.

Clandestine “hastenings” — self-planned deaths generally performed in private homes using drug cocktails or makeshift helium hoods — are a quietly growing phenomenon.

And experts say that growth can only continue as the country’s population ages and political intransigence continues to deny legalization of euthanasia and assisted death.

Interviews with six Canadians planning their own deaths reveal a perspective many of us can’t understand.

It is a state of mind guided by the inevitability of a physical deterioration so brutal and terrifying they have reached a desperate but unshakable conclusion: that surrender into final sleep is preferable to a descent into anguish.

Reaching that point comes after thoughtful — and often agonized — reflection, they say.

Once they are there, Canadian law makes it all the more complicated for them to follow through.

Finding someone to help means subjecting friends, family members or physicians to the possibility of a prison sentence.

Von Fuchs and other right-to-die believers have mapped out a legal grey area rife with life-and-death questions the courts and Parliament have yet to clearly answer.

At its core is this: who has the right to choose when and how we die?

“I think its one of the most profound issues of human rights of our time,” says Jocelyn Downie, a leading Canadian health law expert at Dalhousie University and author of Dying Justice: A Case for Decriminalizing Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide in Canada.

“I think we could be at the very moment of transformation.”

Public debate has re-emerged of late over Canada’s criminal prohibition on assisted death and euthanasia, with some prominent calls for legalization of assisted death in Canada from physicians, lawyers, politicians and ordinary Canadians.

Meanwhile, the federal government and most medical bodies remain vehement in their opposition to legislative change that would open the door to assisted killing.

All of that public debate has ignored this truth: despite criminal laws and social taboos, many Canadians are already choosing to end their lives with assistance from friends, physicians and, increasingly, a network of volunteer death supporters.

No one knows how many are secretly planning and executing their own deaths each year with support from others.

But those who bear witness say clandestine deaths are an increasingly attractive choice for terminally diseased Canadians who can no longer wait for legal authorization to end their lives.

“It’s just right that people have the opportunity to be autonomous and self-determined and less subject to the odious constraints of a state that would say, ‘We’ve spent so much time fighting death that we confer upon you a duty to live,’ ” declares Russel Ogden, a Vancouver criminologist who attends hastenings for Canadians who choose to end their lives.

The act of comforting the afflicted by helping them breathe their last breath is a tightrope walk performed in the shadows.

Generally executed in private homes, the process is legally complex and can be medically dicey.

Those who wish to take matters into their own hands must go about the grim process of illegally importing lethal drugs, in some cases from foreign websites, or piecing together equipment from items purchased at grocery or hardware stores.

Supportive death hasteners tend to operate quietly behind the scenes. All are nervous about attracting the attention of authorities.

In interviews, eight Canadians who have attended hastenings, ranging from an atheist physician to a retired United Church minister, were all careful to say they “support” — not “assist” — people they call “clients.”

The practical distinction may be subtle.

But it holds tremendous legal consequence.

While “assisting” a death is a criminal offence, “supporting” appears to be a sufficiently muddled concept to escape prosecution.

Police have questioned most of the eight, but no charges were pursued.

For those who wish to die, that provides little comfort.

Inside the system’s shadowy cracks, some Canadians attempting suicide fail in ways that leave them in worse condition than they were.

Some refuse medical treatment that would ease excruciating and intractable pain.

Others seek out people like Ruth von Fuchs.

Ask discreetly in right-to-choose circles and you’ll eventually hear about von Fuchs.

Visit her on a quiet west-end Toronto street and you’ll discover an elegant woman, her still-youthful face framed by a dramatic sweep of silvery hair pulled into an updo.

She’ll take you upstairs to a small second-floor office nook where she sits surrounded by overstuffed shelves containing books with titles such as A Good Death, Last Rights and ThePeaceful Pill Handbook.

At various times, two tabby cats and a couple of American Eskimo dogs will sniff at you as she speaks for an hour uninterrupted about the art and politics of self-prescribed death and how Canadian laws designed to protect life have created anguish.

“The knowledge that tomorrow will not be better than today — and likely worse — that is a type of incurable misery,” she says of a belief reinforced while she watched her partner of 21 years suffer through a long and wrenching battle with cancer in 2009.

“He didn’t give up soon enough. He had a failure of realism. I don’t want to go through a period of increasing decrepitude. I don’t want to lose my ability to know when to fold.”

Like those who share her beliefs, von Fuchs displays none of the discomfort many of us have with death.

“You can buy the helium tanks used for blowing up balloons at most Toys R Us stores,” she advises practically. “I’m a fan of using all the available technology.”

Things can go wrong, of course, when you’re relying on discount department store items to execute your final wishes.

“It’s tricky,” she warns. “You have to practise.”

Von Fuchs was recently contacted by an 87-year-old Ontario woman with multiple health issues who wishes to “go while the going is good.”

In a rare twist, the woman was referred to von Fuchs by her doctor.

“That doesn’t happen often,” she says. “But there are doctors who understand and want to provide this service to patients who need it and want it.”

Hasteners typically hold a view of death sanitized of religious or spiritual meaning.

Von Fuchs is a lifelong atheist who rejects the cultural celebration of courage in the face of disease.

She has no children to be impacted by her choice.

“My father died when I was 10 and I think that kept me from thinking that death was distant and out there,” she says. “I was made unable to have that delusion.

“People say you should always be hopeful. That’s foolishness. Just as there are unjustified fears there can be unjustified hope. Neither is good. We let people horrified by hopelessness endure a type of torture.”

The question of assisted death and euthanasia is more charged today than perhaps at any other point in Canadian history.

Public opinion polls show strong support for their legalization.

In a recent groundbreaking decision — now under appeal — a B.C. Supreme Court judge found in favour of Kelowna-area woman named Gloria Taylor, who was seeking the help of a physician to end her life in the face of her ALS (she died earlier this month of natural causes).

And both a Quebec commission and a Royal Society of Canada expert panel recently urged politicians to provide greater protections for Canadians who wish to end their own lives.

Quebec is promising to establish more lenient provincial laws that could give doctors and their patients a degree of latitude that could result in a form of assisted suicide without prosecution.

“We’ve never been so close to a permissive regime,” says Downie. “If Quebec goes through with what it has said it will do, that will be transformative for Quebec, and then I think you’ll see a domino effect across the country. That could be the pivot moment.”

But resistance also remains vigorous.

The medical profession and successive federal governments have firmly rejected calls for change, affirming that assisted death is both unethical and criminal.

When a private member’s bill proposing to legalize assisted suicide was introduced in 2009, it was overwhelmingly defeated by a vote of 228 to 59.

Anti-euthanasia organizations also hold powerful voices in the debate, arguing that legalization of self-engineered deaths will create a slippery slope that could end with vulnerable Canadians being pressured by their families or their physicians to choose assisted death.

“While I can cause my own death, the question is whether there should be a line in the sand for someone else causing my death,” says Alex Schadenberg, executive director of Canada’s Euthanasia Prevention Coalition.

“Our answer is, ‘Absolutely.’ You can’t always be assured you’re safe when someone else has influence over your death.”

Schadenberg, who has an autistic son, was drawn to the anti-euthanasia movement in the late 1990s, inspired in large part by raging public debate over the death of Tracy Latimer at the hands of her father, Robert.

“What made me particularly concerned was the vulnerability of persons with disabilities and the growing public tolerance for euthanasia and how it might impact people with disabilities.”

Latimer was released from prison in 2010, a decade after the Supreme Court upheld his conviction for assisting in the death of his severely disabled 12-year-old daughter.

It remains an object lesson of the kind of high-stakes legal fate that Canada’s right-to-assisted-death supporters are trying to delicately negotiate.

But more than ever before, advocates across the debate seem to agree we have reached a defining moment on the question of assisted suicide.

And the emergence of a death-hastening movement is perhaps the most conspicuous sign of the underground rebellion.

“The culture is definitely changing on this,” says University of Toronto bioethicist Kerry Bowman. “If people want this service and people are willing to provide it, and it’s done in an objective way, it’s coming from the people. There’s no way that any of this could be part of direct health-care system. It would be too much of a conflict from an ethical point of view.”

Vancouver-based Ogden has been researching assisted death as a criminologist since 1991 and began pushing for legal reform with the birth of his Farewell Foundation last year.

Behind the political advocacy, he’s also quietly performed the far more ethically thorny work of supporting those who can’t wait for the legal and political debate to play out.

He has attended the deaths of five Canadians and an American who decided that suicide was preferable to a life lived with incurable disease.

Each was a relative stranger to him — no childhood bonds or family ties. He generally gets to know them over a series of conversations spanning up to a year prior to their death.

He accompanied them to a place of their choosing, in one case a Swiss medical clinic called Dignitas that specializes in legal assisted suicides.

In each case, he watched as they swallowed a cocktail of drugs or inhaled helium they had independently acquired to complete the deed, he says.

In the moment, he was a quiet presence, a witness, observing as their final breaths gradually faded into silence.

When it was over, he typically picked up the phone and called the authorities to report the death.

“They’d like their deaths to be documented for what they are to law enforcement and the coroner,” he says. “We’re prepared to do that.”

After studying assisted suicide for two decades, he believes what he is doing is both legal and desperately needed in Canada.

Nobody, including police, seems to be able to prove otherwise.

“There’s no obligations for citizens to live lives that they believe aren’t worth living. We’re not bypassing any law. We’re trying to act within it.”

Does counselling someone in the methods of committing suicide qualify as assistance? What about providing the equipment or medications?

Ogden will do neither, he says.

But how, say critics, can death hasteners like Ogden ensure medically safe procedures or assess the mental capacity of those vowing to end their own lives as lay people without medical or psychological training?

According the Farewell Foundation’s procedures, those seeking assistance meet with a support team to ensure they are capable of making the decision.

“If a member’s capacity is in doubt, greater scrutiny and additional consultation is necessary,” the policy reads. “The support team must take care to ensure that a decision for self-chosen death is informed and voluntary.”

The methods chosen for those deaths must be “humane and non-violent” in order to “prevent impulsive acts.”

Ogden says not everyone who seeks supports receives it.

“I’ve looked at situations where people were planning their death and told them, ‘If this is the way you’re planning to end your life, I wouldn’t be willing to attend.’ What we are advocating is people taking advantage of humane, non-disfiguring methods and that they do their own research on how to carry out the various steps. It’s about personal responsibility.”

If the foundation agrees to attend at a death, at least two members will be present at the appointed time and place, and its policies require reporting to the coroner.

Ogden concedes that his members are not trained professionals.

“We don’t see a need for training because the person doesn’t need to know how life is ended because they aren’t going to be involved. The core requirement is to sit on your hands. It would be a violation of the law to intervene. If someone is struggling to end their life and you step in and finish the job, that’s murder.”

No matter how controversial it may be, a death wish appears to be worth the risk for many Canadians.

Five members of the Farewell Foundation have taken their own lives since August, says Ogden. While each consulted with him on their plans, they ended up committing suicide without his assistance.

Toronto-based Dying With Dignity, a registered charity that supports Canadians on right-to-die issues, receives more than 200 calls a year, many from people seeking information about how to end their own life.

Wanda Morris, Dying With Dignity’s executive director, says the experience of bearing witness to a death hastening last year has only reinforced her convictions.

“Just to witness the gratitude this person had . . . I really get that there is some suffering that only death can end,” she said.

Morris was drawn to this work in the aftermath of her father-in-law’s chilling death.

In the end, the dementia that stole his cognitive abilities also made him violent.

One day, he struck out at his daughter, who was taking care of him, hitting her across the face, she says.

Then came the nursing home and the restraints.

“My husband said, ‘You can’t ever let something like that happen to me,’ ” she recalls, wiping her eyes. “I love my husband dearly, so I decided I had to get informed and see what our choices are.”

Those choices remain limited in the mainstream health-care system, which views the work of amateur death hasteners with suspicion.

When Morris recently approached the Ontario College of Nurses seeking help in finding nurses interested in helping clients end their lives, the response was definitive.

“The (College of Nurses of Ontario) has stated that euthanasia and assisted suicide is illegal, and there is no role for nurses in facilitating these activities,” the college responded in a letter of response to Morris.

Linda Marie Pacheco, a palliative care nurse in Toronto, wanted to apply for the job.

But she was told by her college that doing so would risk her licence, even if she wasn’t hired as a registered nurse.

“They’re saying no matter what job I do, if it’s in the field of health care, I have to uphold he rules of the college,” she says. “That surprised me.”

After two decades of caring for patients with intractable disease, she was drawn to the notion of educating people about their options, providing alternatives, ensuring they don’t make botched attempts at suicide that could leave them even worse off.

“I can’t stand by and let people suffer,” she says. “I see these people as angels of mercy to help alleviate suffering. I’ve been at the bedside of many people in anguish and it’s horrible. I got excited about being able to give these people the education they need and respect their rights as a human being.”

Ogden’s work as a death facilitator has led to police questioning on seven occasions, he says. He was subpoenaed three times to court (in 1994, 2003 and 2004).

Following another death he witnessed in 2007, Vancouver police officers “swarmed the area” and took him into custody, he says.

But they closed the file without laying charges.

“There’s no offence in attending a suicide,” says Ogden. “While it may be repugnant and ghoulish, it’s not against the law.”

He has also paid a high professional price for his work.

As an academic studying suicide and end-of-life issues in part by observing them, Ogden ran into problems with Kwantlen Polytechnic University in B.C., where he was a professor.

In 2006, the school withdrew approval for a research proposal he submitted, citing legal implications.

Today, he remains listed on the school’s website as a faculty member on leave and he is included in a B.C. public salary disclosure list as having earned just over $85,000 last year.

But he says he hasn’t been scheduled by the university to teach any courses since 2008.

A Kwantlen spokesperson said the professor is conducting “independent research.”

“I miss teaching,” says Ogden, “and not doing it is challenging to the identity of a university instructor.”

Ruth Von Fuchs is eating porridge with milk and brown sugar as she faces out toward her backyard, summer morning light bathing her in a luminous glow.

She’s imagining the future.

“If I do live long enough to see the law changed, I will have a death day party,” she finally says, still staring out the window as if picturing her guests standing amid the greenery below.

Her brother and her sister-in-law would come, she says. She’d ask the contractor working on her home renovations.

She’d also invite her nephew to come with his video camera and use the occasion to create an instructional video for others planning a home death.

She would want company. People to hold her hand.

But they won’t come if Canadian laws remain unchanged, she predicts.

“When it’s surrounded in a kind of criminality, people just want to run away.”

There’s a long pause, her eyes still fixed on the backyard.

“Life is not fair. This is not a beautiful world. Sufferers should have a choice.”

Complete Article HERE!

Death is part of our human experience

There are times when it is better to “let nature take its course”.

By SALLY FOSTER-FULTON

The debate around assisted dying is undoubtedly a difficult and sensitive one. However, Nelson Jones’s recent blog, conflating as it did two very different issues, served only to muddy the waters.

In the piece, Jones sought to argue that because, in certain situations, a clinical decision is made by medical personnel not to attempt resuscitation of the patient, this is essentially equivalent to the medical profession making the decision to end the life of a vulnerable person. It would be more honest, Jones argued, to allow the choice of when their life should end to be made by the patient.

There can be little doubt that medical technology is now such that we can artificially prolong the lives of people through interventions which are at times inappropriate. However, in our death-denying culture, there are times when we need to remember that death is a part of our human experience, and that not every death is the result of a medical failure. There are times when the better decision is to let go, to step back and “let nature take its course”. This is the purpose of the “do not attempt resuscitation” (DNAR) decision: that further medical intervention would be futile and of no benefit to the patient.

However, the withholding or withdrawing of medical treatment differs fundamentally from the deliberate ending of life. The Church of Scotland is active in many projects offering care, comfort and support to the vulnerable in many practical ways. We therefore find the prospect of legislation allowing assisted dying to be deeply concerning, as it has the potential to undermine focus on the care and comfort of all as they move through the last stages of life- especially those who are placed in a vulnerable position as a result of age, incapacity or other circumstance.

While personal autonomy is indeed an important issue, it is a dangerous fallacy to believe that a person can act independently of all others, with their actions having no consequences for anybody else. Interpersonal relationships are vital: life is lived and death experienced as part of community. Assisted suicide cannot be a personal choice because it will inevitably effect everyone, and how tragic if those most vulnerable in our communities begin to feel that their lives are somehow less worth our resources. What a tragically bleak view of human life- and how far removed from the call of the church to show love and concern, compassion and support for all around us.

Death, as a natural process, cannot be avoided: despite the inevitable sadness involved in saying farewell to a loved one, emphasis should be placed on ensuring that all participants in the process experience as fulfilled and comfortable a final journey as possible.

We would emphasise the need for all aspects of care to be improved; there is concern, however, that assisted dying legalisation will undermine, rather than enhance, other aspects of end of life care and the manner in which society values every human being. Clearly it would be a step too far if vulnerable patients felt pressured to opt for assisted dying because of a lack of resources to give them an acceptable quality of life in their last months.

In common with many people of faith, the Church of Scotland would affirm that the worth and dignity of every human life needs to be emphasised and celebrated. Indeed, the Gospel of Jesus Christ which the Church of Scotland seeks to live out emphasises the value and worth of all human life, no matter the circumstances. Any legislation to bring about the deliberate ending of a human life would be a sea-change in how we perceive one another. Society places a prohibition on the killing of others (because we understand the profound commonality of life): this is a line which we must not cross.

Complete Article HERE!

Permitted assisted dying could increase protection for vulnerable people

The only person who can decide if a life is worth living is the one living it.

By: NELSON JONES

Tony Nicklinson may not have achieved his wish for doctors to be allowed to terminate his life at a place and time of his choosing, but he did manage to push the subject of assisted dying higher up the public agenda than it has been for a long time. And while he didn’t convince the judges at the High Court, public opinion would seem to be firmly on his side. A YouGov poll conducted on behalf of the British Humanist Association last week found that a massive 81 per cent of adults (and two thirds of Roman Catholics) would support the right of “mentally competent individuals with incurable or terminal diseases” to access medical support to end their lives. Only 6 per cent were “strongly opposed”.

Support, too, has come from some leading politicians, such as the newly-appointed health minister Anna Soubry, who called the present state of the law “ridiculous and appalling”.

Even so, opposition to any change remains entrenched and seemingly unmovable. Many MPs, almost all religious leaders and the official policy of the BMA are implacably opposed to legalising voluntary euthanasia, which the current BMA president has described as “a journey I just don’t want us to even start out on”.

For some, the question is forever out of bounds because life is sacred and can properly be terminated only by God. But there are more pragmatic arguments, too, that convince many that assisted dying is inherently dangerous. It’s said that if the law were changed, vulnerable people would feel under pressure to end their lives in order to spare their families (or the taxpayer) the “burden” of their continued existence. That a system of planned death, timetabled according to personal or medical convenience, would cheapen life itself, would enshrine in law the idea that some lives were not worth living, and could potentially lead to a eugenic society in which the chronically sick, the elderly and the disabled were seen as disposable, by themselves or by others.

Such an argument may sound plausible. But can we be sure that we don’t live in such a society already? Today we learned of the case of an unnamed man, aged 51, with Down’s Syndrome and other disabilities, who spent some time in hospital last year. After “AWA” was discharged it emerged that without the knowledge of his family or carers doctors had placed a “do not resuscitate” (DNR) order on his file. The sole reason given for the notice – which would have resulted in his inevitable death had he suffered a cardiac arrest or encountered serious breathing difficulties – was apparently his disability. He does not seem to have been terminally ill.

We must, of course, be careful. It is only one case. The NHS trust concerned has declined to comment on the ongoing legal action and there may be significant facts that haven’t been reported. AWA’s solicitor, Merry Varney however, described it as “one of the most extreme cases we have seen” and declared that “to use Down’s Syndrome and learning difficulties as a reason to withhold lifesaving treatment is nothing short of blatant prejudice.”

“Extreme” this case may be, but problems relating to DNR notices are far from unheard of. In another case currently before the courts, David Tracey is suing Addenbrooke’s hospital in Cambridge over a DNR issued in respect of his wife who died there last year, and which was apparently discussed neither with her nor with him. He was also being represented by Merry Varney, who argued that “a competent patient must surely know when a decision to withhold potentially life sustaining treatment has been made.”

A survey of 100 hospitals carried out last year by the Care Quality Commission found that at least five were in breach of medical guidance regarding consultation with families before issuing a DNR notice. On one ward, as many as a third of such orders were issued without consultation. The charity Action on Elder Abuse described such practices as “euthanasia by the backdoor”.

Even if such cases are not the norm, they might be seen as evidence of a callously utilitarian approach to questions of life and death even without legalised euthanasia. AWA’s case in particular suggests that vulnerable patients might be especially, well, vulnerable to such an attitude. Yet others tell a different story, of elderly and vulnerable or terminally-ill people, sometimes in pain, past all hope of full recovery and who in an earlier age would have died peacefully, being artificially kept alive by well-meaning doctors and by the death-cheating power of modern medicine.

In today’s legal and medical regime, it would appear, some people are allowed to die who would rather live, while others are unwillingly kept alive when they want to die.

These two undesirable situations in fact represent different sides of the same coin: the paternalist attitude that sees medical professionals, rather than individual patients, as the people best placed to make the decision about whether he lives or dies. Tony Nicklinson, intellectually fully competent and certain in his own mind, is not allowed to determine the manner of his death. Nor is the more obviously vulnerable AWA. A system supposedly concerned with protecting the vulnerable only succeeds in reinforcing the godlike power of doctors.

For that reason, I suspect legislation that permitted assisted dying would actually increase the protection currently afforded to vulnerable people, and increase respect for the value of life. There’s no contradiction between saying that all lives are valuable and that some have become intolerably burdensome. Rather, knowledge that they would not be condemned, in extremis, to a lingering agony at the hands of modern medicine would free some patients to live. And those who chose for reasons of faith or optimism to cling to every last painful moment of life could do so without causing others to feel guilt for their plight, which is the real “burden” which people with severe disabilities or who are in the last stages of terminal illness impose on their loved-ones.

The only person capable of deciding whether a life is or is not worth living, ultimately, is the one who is living it.

Complete Article HERE!

New Tory health chief Anna Soubry slams law that forces terminally ill Brits to die abroad

NEWLY promoted UK health minister Anna Soubry said terminally ill people should be able to receive assistance in ending their lives in the UK.

DAVID CAMERON’S new health minister yesterday slated current laws on assisted ­suicide as “ridiculous”.

Newly promoted UK health minister Anna Soubry said terminally ill people should be able to receive assistance in ending their lives in the UK.

Last night, her comments were ­welcomed by independent MSP Margo MacDonald, who has fought to have assisted suicide legalised in Scotland.

MacDonald said: “These comments are very welcome. They are more realistic and in tune with public opinion than what we have heard from politicians in all parties, with one or two laudable exceptions.

“I am absolutely delighted that the wind is blowing that way.”

The Lothian MSP, who has Parkinson’s disease, has attempted to change the
law in Scotland with her End of Life ­Assistance Bill.

The bill was rejected by MSPs last year but she has vowed to reintroduce it.

She said: “I think this will help MSPs, particularly the newer ones, feel freer about supporting it and we will have a greater chance of success this time.”

Soubry called for greater “honesty” about when prosecutions would be brought for helping relatives to die.

She said: “You can’t say to a doctor or a nurse, ‘You can kill this person’.”

Soubry added: “I think it’s ridiculous and appalling that people have to go abroad to end their life instead of being able to end their life at home. The rules we have about who we don’t prosecute allow things to happen but there’s a good ­argument that we should be a bit more honest about it.”

Her comments came after locked-in syndrome sufferer Tony Nicklinson died a week after he lost his legal bid to end his life with a doctor’s help.

His widow Jane welcomed Soubry’s comments.

She said: “We’re pleased that she has come forward and said this. It does open the debate even more, having an MP who’s willing to stick her neck out and actually support assisted suicide.”

But anti-euthanasia group SPUC ­Pro-Life general secretary Paul Tully said: “The goodwill among the public towards people with disabilities has never been higher than at the Paralympic Games.

“Suddenly they are faced with the ­prospect that if they struggle with suicidal feelings, they will be given help to die instead of care and support.”

Complete Article HERE!

Take Control Of Life, Death

By Dr. Aroop Mangalik

If you want to be comfortable, happy and be with your family and friends when you are facing a serious illness or are likely to die in the near future, you need to take control.

In recent decades, there has been what some have called “medicalization of death.” There have been many advances in medicine and a lot of people are living healthier, longer lives.

But ultimately, we all have to die.

Medicalization of death has occurred, to a significant degree, because we – society, patients and doctors – have not taken into account the fact that there are limits to life and that medical interventions can only do so much.

Understanding this reality is a major step that must be taken to get the best outcome for the patient.

How does one understand this? How do we take control of the situation?

The knowledge you need to get will necessarily come from your medical provider. The best decisions are made by having the facts – available treatment options and the likely outcomes.

Ask your provider about the nature of the illness and what is expected without any treatment.

The next steps will be to get a clear picture of what treatments are available. You should be able to get some idea of how likely it is that the treatments will improve the outcome for you.

This includes information on previous success and failures with available options. At least try to find out if the treatment is “very likely,” “likely,” or “not likely” to help.

Equally, important, you need to know what will be the side-effects of treatment. Will the treatments be harsh or mild, will they last for a short time or will they be persistent.

The cost in dollars is also something that must be considered. In this day of uncertainty we cannot ignore that factor. Many families face bankruptcy because of “long shot” medical treatments.

Once you have the information, you need to decide. It should be your decision based on the best information and input you can get.

If you feel that the treatments available to you are not going to help you achieve your goals, you can refuse those treatments. No one can force you to have a treatment you do not want.

If you choose the path of not taking the treatment, the focus changes from controlling the disease to making your life as comfortable as possible.

The medical team will work with you to control your symptoms. They will help you with pain control, nausea, vomiting, shortness of breath or difficulties in performing day-to-day activities. They will work with you to get the best out of life for whatever time you are alive.

There are many types of experts who are trained to help you. They have overlapping roles and expertise and they work together.

They are referred to as Palliative Care Specialists, Hospice Teams or Symptom Management experts. They all have the goals of making your life better and focus on you.

They also help you and your family so that you die comfortably and with dignity with your family and friends around you.

In certain circumstances, despite their efforts, living may feel like a burden. There are other options that can be utilized.

This is the option of you willfully ending your life at the time you choose. This option has been given a number of names. Physician-assisted death (and) assisted suicide being two common ones.

The option is currently available in Oregon and Washington State. In New Mexico, we are waiting for the courts to decide if such an action would be legal.

In summary, when faced with a serious illness, you should take control of your life and decide what is best for you.

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Massachusetts voters support medical marijuana and ‘death with dignity’ ballot initiatives

A majority of Massachusetts voters seem to be in favor of two controversial ballot initiatives that supporters say would ease the suffering of ill Massachusetts citizens.
Sixty percent of Bay State voters said they support allowing terminally ill people to legally obtain medication to end their lives, according to the latest survey from Western New England University Polling Institute in partnership with The Republican and MassLive.com.

Sixty-four percent of voters, meanwhile, backed legalizing the use of marijuana for medical purposes and 27 percent opposed the idea, according to the survey of 504 registered voters conducted from May 29 to 31.

Under state law, more than 68,000 certified voters must sign an initial petition to place an issue on the November ballot, with not more one-quarter of all the signatures coming from the same county. If the legislature does not take up the issue, an additional 11,000-plus signatures are needed by June 19th to put it on the ballot.

So as long as the initiatives fulfill the legal requirements, Massachusetts voters will have their say on the respective issues on election day.

“Polling on ballot questions is tricky because responses can be highly sensitive to question wording,” said Tim Vercellotti, associate professor of political science and director of the Polling Institute at Western New England University. “The actual questions that the voters see on the ballot tend to be longer and more complicated. Our questions attempt to get to the essence of each issue.”

The survey asked voters whether they supported or opposed “allowing people who are dying to legally obtain medication that they could use to end their lives,” according to Vercellotti.

Support for the “death with dignity” proposal outnumbered opposition by a margin of two to one in the Western New England University survey, with 60 percent of voters saying they support the idea, 29 percent opposing it and 11 percent saying they did not know or declining to provide a response.

John, a former high school teacher living in Holyoke who asked not to be identified by his last name, said his family’s experiences with cancer and other terminal illnesses shaped his support of the “death with dignity” option.

“I think it should be a matter of personal choice,” he said. “If someone is at the end of their life with a terminal illness and it may continue for six months or a year with terrible suffering and pain, why not give them the option? To me, it is freedom of choice.”

And although John identifies as Catholic, he said that he does not attend services and his religion holds no impact on his stance on the subject.
According to the data, opinions varied along party lines, with 67 percent of Democrats favoring the proposal, compared to 58 percent of independents and 53 percent of Republicans.

Support for the measure also varied by age, Vercellotti said.
While 61 percent of voters ages 18 to 49 and 72 percent of voters ages 50 to 64 support the idea, the same was true for only 46 percent of voters ages 65 and older.
Respondents who were 65 and older also were the most likely of any demographic group to say they were not sure or to decline to answer the question, with 20 percent choosing those options.

“I told them I didn’t know because I didn’t want to just give a quick answer. It’s a complicated issue,” said Robert Sandwald, a retired resident of Hopkinton, Mass. “I don’t want to give an answer I believe in. I’ll be thinking about it in case someone asks me in the future but I just don’t know how I feel about it.”
Views about the “death with dignity” proposal also varied by religion and religious observance.

Vercellotti said that although a majority of Catholic and Protestant voters said they support the proposal, their opinions tend to vary based on how often they attend religious services.

Fifty-two percent of all Catholic voters said they support the idea, 36 percent said they oppose it, and 12 percent said they did not know or declined to answer. But among Catholic voters who attend church at least once a week or almost every week, 52 percent opposed the “death with dignity” proposal and only 37 percent said they support it.
Deborah Greene, a 56-year-old Catholic from Milton who said she attends church services almost every week, opposes the “death with dignity” option.

“I’m against it because I just don’t think it’s right,” Greene said. “It is a religious conflict.”

Catholic voters who attend church less frequently – about once a month, seldom or never – backed the idea by more than a two-to-one margin, 62 percent to 25 percent.
Among all Protestant voters, 56 percent supported the proposal, and 28 percent were opposed. Opinion was much more narrowly divided among Protestant voters who attend services at least once a week or almost every week, with 42 percent opposed and 38 percent in favor.

“The results indicate that religious identity is not the only distinguishing factor when it comes to views on this issue,” Vercellotti said. “Responses varied not just by religious identity, but also by religious observance. When it comes to Catholics and Protestants, the more ‘churched’ you are, so to speak, the more likely you are to oppose the ‘death with dignity’ proposal.”

Voters from other religious backgrounds overwhelmingly supported the measure, with 76 percent in favor and 19 percent opposed. Voters who identified themselves as atheists or agnostic backed the idea by an almost nine-to-one margin.

On the topic of allowing people to obtain marijuana for medical purposes with the prescription of a licensed physician, the results varied by political affiliation, gender, age and education level.

If the proposed law legalizing medical marijuana appears on the ballot and is approved by a majority of voters on Nov. 6, then Massachusetts would join 16 other states in the U.S. by allowing such a treatment option, despite federal law which prohibits it.

The proposed law would allow a physician to prescribe a 60-day supply of marijuana to a patient with a “debilitating medical condition,” such as cancer, AIDS, Parkinson’s disease or a broad category that includes “other conditions.”

The law would also permit up to 35 nonprofit medical marijuana dispensaries or treatment centers across the state, including at least one in each county.
The idea of legalized medical marijuana in Massachusetts has stirred passionate conversation among the commonwealth’s citizens and legislators.

John, the former high school teacher in Holyoke, said he opposes medical marijuana primarily because of the possibility of it being a precursor to full legalization.
“When I was a teacher, I saw the destruction that marijuana caused in the lives of so many young people,” he said. “I’ve seen kids with a tremendous amount of potential just go down the tubes. And I know you can’t completely blame it on marijuana, but it was a contributing factor. I guess I’m opposed to this if it is opening the door to overall legalization.”

Greene, a devout Catholic, said she is open to the concept because of research on the issue.

“As I understand it, there are properties in marijuana that can ease the pain of cancer that come with certain developments in the disease,” Greene said. “So as I understand it, it would be beneficial under medical direction, so I’m open to that.”
When asked whether they would support or oppose legalizing the use of marijuana for medical purposes, 74 percent of Democrats and 62 percent of independents endorsed the measure, while Republican voters were almost evenly divided, with 47 percent opposed and 45 percent in favor.

More than two-thirds of female voters supported legalizing medical marijuana, while the same was true for 58 percent of male voters. Younger voters also responded more favorably than did senior citizens. Sixty-eight percent of voters ages 18 to 49 and 50 to 64 supported legalizing medical marijuana compared to 54 percent of voters age 65 and older.
Views also varied by education, with 68 percent of voters with college degrees endorsing the measure, compared to 61 percent of voters with some college or with a high school diploma or less.

The survey has a 4.4. percent margin of error.

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